Those who had the chance to read the PhD version (which has long been available online) are left wondering the reason for such a belated publication, especially since the original manuscript underwent only minimal changes-and although the bibliography was updated with some twenty post-2004 references. In any case, the book's ambitious reach as well as its author's clear and accessible style make for a mustread for both fellow "Venetianists" and non-specialist readers. Burke's study is divided into two parts, each made of three chapters. The first part focuses on patterns of Greek migration and settlement in Venice. Taking a revisionist stance towards both the "Myth of Venice" and the Greek "nationalist" historiography (a catchword that would need further explanation), Burke offers a careful review of the history of late medieval and early modern Greek migrations to what Wiliam H. McNeill once dubbed "the hinge of Europe." In particular, she convincingly stresses that most Greeks in Venice were actually imperial subjects and not foreigners, and that voluntary emigrants and refugees arrived in fairly even numbers: this, in turn, implies that their "transition from immigrants to settlers" (p. 22) has to be understood within this specific political, social, and legal framework (Chapter 1). Burke then moves on to study the demographic and social outlooks of Greek households in 16 th-century Venice, including their size and spatial distribution in the city, the role of family, kin and friendship connections (Chapter 2), and the importance of work and occupation in enforcing these networks as well as creating new ones (Chapter 3). To be sure, such a perspective fruitfully explains some of the specifics of what was still very much "a community in transit" by the end of the 16 th century (p. 30). However, one is left to wonder the kind of methodology Burke put to use in this quantitative work: in several instances, "a sample of 201 couples" (p. 32), "ten Greek to non-Greek marriages" (p. 54), "a small sample of 250 wills" (p. 158), or "a sample of 250 donors" (p. 163) hardly seem to correlate with broader estimates of the Greek population. Also, the vast majority of the material on which the study is based comes from the archives of Venetian notaries-and to a lesser extent from the Venetian church archives (Archivio della Curia Patriarcale di Venezia). To be sure, unearthing records of so many Greek lives in such immensely vast yet understudied collections is no small achievement. However, resorting to such material-and in particular to notarial records-calls for a careful understanding of the kind of "social world(s)" that are brought to life: in this respect, at least, Burke's claim to reconstruct the daily life of "popolani" Greeks falls short of acknowledging how within this broad category, different social stratas, occupations, and genders are represented in the very material she relies upon. The second part of the book is perhaps the most original, as it traces and interprets changes in Greek-Venetian society and identity during the 16th century. Burke's careful analysis of the Greek community's institutional framework (Chapter 4) offers fascinating